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Post-American World Order: Why the Age of Networks Is Inevitable

Amid the changing world, the United States, China, India and BRICS nations compete for influence in an increasingly multipolar global system.

Amid the changing world, the United States, China, India and BRICS nations compete for influence in an increasingly multipolar global system. (Image Chhina at UN)

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By TRH World Desk

With America questioning the rules it once championed and China declining the burdens of global leadership, the international system is evolving into a network of competing power centres rather than a hierarchy dominated by a single superpower.

New Delhi, May 30, 2026 — For decades after the Cold War, the central assumption of global politics was straightforward: the United States would remain the indispensable nation. Washington would underwrite global trade, secure sea lanes, maintain financial stability and serve as the ultimate guarantor of the international order.

Former Kyrgyz Prime Minister Djoomart Otorbaev believes that assumption is rapidly becoming obsolete.

Writing on LinkedIn, Otorbaev argues that the world is witnessing a historically unusual transition. Unlike previous shifts in global power, the current moment does not involve one hegemon replacing another. Instead, it features a declining hegemon and a rising power that appears reluctant to inherit the responsibilities traditionally associated with global dominance.

His argument captures a geopolitical reality increasingly visible across continents.

The United States remains the world’s largest economy and most powerful military force. Yet Washington’s growing reliance on tariffs, sanctions, export controls and economic coercion has led many countries to diversify their trade and security relationships. Ironically, the very country that designed the architecture of globalisation is now contributing to its fragmentation.

At the same time, China has emerged as the leading trading partner for much of the world. Beijing is investing heavily in manufacturing, infrastructure, artificial intelligence and advanced technologies. Yet unlike previous great powers, China has shown little appetite for maintaining a vast network of overseas military bases or assuming the financial burden of policing the global commons.

The result is a strategic vacuum.

Into that vacuum are stepping middle powers and regional actors. India, the Gulf monarchies, Turkey, Brazil, Russia, Southeast Asian nations and Central Asian states increasingly seek strategic autonomy rather than alignment with any single bloc.

This may explain why the phrase “multipolarity” has become a defining feature of contemporary diplomacy. Countries are no longer eager to choose between Washington and Beijing. Instead, they are attempting to maximise opportunities from both.

The economic data supports this trend. The expanded BRICS grouping is projected to account for roughly 39% of global GDP on a purchasing-power-parity basis, surpassing the collective weight of the G7 economies. Internal BRICS trade has crossed the trillion-dollar mark annually, while alternative payment systems and logistics corridors are proliferating.

Yet the deeper insight in Otorbaev’s thesis lies beyond economics.

The next global order may not be organised around nations alone. Artificial intelligence companies, fintech platforms and technology giants increasingly wield influence comparable to that of medium-sized states. Decisions taken in Silicon Valley, Shenzhen or Bengaluru can affect billions of people across borders.

“If the twentieth century belonged to empires and superpowers, the twenty-first may belong to networks. The question is not whether American dominance is fading. It is whether the world can build a stable framework before the emerging networked order descends into prolonged fragmentation. Between those two possibilities lies the defining geopolitical challenge of the next decade,” he added.

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