UGC Regulations Row: Why a Reform Triggered a Political Storm

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Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan at the unveiling of stamp to commemorate the life of Dr. Harekrushna Mahtab.

Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan at the unveiling of stamp to commemorate the life of Dr. Harekrushna Mahtab. (Image PK Panda)

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As protests erupt over new UGC anti-discrimination rules, the backlash reveals deep anxieties within India’s higher education power structure.

By RAJESHWAR JAISWAL

Patna, January 25, 2026 — For nearly a week now, India’s University Grants Commission (UGC) has been at the centre of an unexpected political and social churn. What began as a regulatory reform aimed at addressing caste discrimination in higher education has spiralled into a full-blown ideological backlash—one that has even seen former supporters of the Narendra Modi-led NDA government turn sharply critical.

Why has a statutory education reform provoked such fury? And what does it reveal about the fault lines within India’s university system?

To understand the uproar, it is essential to first clarify what the UGC is—and what the new regulation actually does. The University Grants Commission, a statutory body under the Ministry of Education, is responsible for recognising universities, maintaining academic standards, disbursing grants, and enforcing regulations to ensure quality and equity in higher education. In simple terms, it decides how universities function, who gets recognised, and how fairness is enforced.

On January 15, 2026, the UGC notified new regulations aimed at preventing caste-based discrimination in higher educational institutions. The most significant change: the definition of discrimination has been expanded beyond Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to include Other Backward Classes (OBCs) as well.

Under the new framework, universities are mandated to establish “Equal Opportunity Cells” with compulsory representation from OBCs, women, SC/ST communities, minorities, and persons with disabilities. These committees must submit biannual reports to the UGC, bringing institutional accountability under sharper scrutiny.

Yet, the loudest opposition has come from sections of upper-caste social groups, influencer networks, and newly formed coordination committees that argue the regulation could be “misused” and weaponised against merit. Some groups have even called for nationwide agitation, invoking historical metaphors of dynastic overthrow to rally resistance.

But critics of the backlash argue that this fear is misplaced.

Data submitted by the UGC to parliamentary committees and the Supreme Court shows that complaints of caste discrimination in higher education have risen steadily over the past five years, not declined. Reserved faculty posts routinely remain vacant under the opaque label of “Not Found Suitable” (NFS)—a practice repeatedly flagged by social justice panels as discriminatory.

Despite decades of reservation policies, representation of SC, ST, and OBC communities in faculty and leadership positions remains disproportionately low. Nearly 99% of vice-chancellors in India continue to come from upper-caste backgrounds—a statistic that fuels perceptions of structural exclusion.

Supporters of the regulation argue that the reform does not threaten anyone’s rights; it merely creates institutional pathways for grievance redressal. In their view, the resistance itself exposes how deeply entrenched caste hierarchies remain within India’s campuses.

The UGC reform, then, is not just about rules—it is about who controls India’s intellectual spaces, and who fears losing that control.

(This is an opinion piece. Views expressed are personal.)

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