Pakistan’s Endless Border Conflicts Boosts Military Establishment

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Pakistan’s military sustains political dominance through permanent conflict with India and Afghanistan, arguing that regional instability serves the interests of its army rather than its people.

By TRH Foreign Affairs Desk

New Delhi, November 11, 2025 —Pakistan’s persistent border tensions with both India and Afghanistan are not mere geopolitical accidents but part of a sustained military strategy that ensures the army’s dominance over the nation’s politics and economy, according to an analysis by journalist Manish Anand.

Citing former Pakistani ambassador to the U.S. Husain Haqqani, Anand notes that “no country can remain comfortable with multiple border hotspots.” Yet Pakistan’s political narrative continues to portray India as a “permanent threat,” while new conflicts have emerged along its frontier with Afghanistan.

Haqqani argues that this “permanent conflict syndrome” benefits only one class—the Pakistani military establishment. Afghan analyst Ahmad, once an adviser to former President Hamid Karzai, told Anand that the military’s control over Pakistan’s state institutions and economy relies on keeping tensions alive.

Anand highlights that retired military officers in Pakistan frequently transition into powerful business roles, wielding control over both politics and policy. Civilian leaders who challenge this dominance, such as former Prime Minister Imran Khan, face imprisonment or political exile. “Anyone who dares to oppose the establishment is silenced,” Anand remarks, pointing to past examples, including the suspicious deaths of former leaders.

Under Army Chief General Asim Munir, the military’s influence has become even more visible. Anand notes that Munir accompanies Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on major international visits — from China to the United States — a practice rarely seen elsewhere. “Pakistan’s political leadership functions like a puppet,” Anand says, describing how the military now openly shares the stage of diplomacy and governance.

Economically, Anand argues, Pakistan’s dependency on repeated IMF bailouts stems from its oversized military spending and neglect of health and education. “Without investment in human development, the economy cannot revive,” he says.

Turning to Pakistan’s western border, Anand traces the current Afghanistan-Pakistan conflict to the rise of the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). He emphasizes that the TTP was not created by the Afghan government but by Pakistan’s own military establishment — a “monster that has turned on its creator.”

While Islamabad accuses Kabul of sheltering the TTP, Afghan ministers have denied these claims and demanded evidence, which Pakistan has yet to provide. According to Anand, the cycle of violence — missile exchanges, cross-border attacks, and militant strikes — underscores a deeper structural problem: “Pakistan exports terrorism instead of trade.”

Countries like India, Iran, and Afghanistan have all targeted terror infrastructure inside Pakistan in recent years, Anand notes, underlining growing regional frustration with Islamabad’s refusal to dismantle its militant proxies.

In conclusion, Anand argues that as long as Pakistan’s military establishment thrives on perpetual conflict, meaningful political reform or economic recovery will remain impossible. “Permanent conflict is not Pakistan’s curse—it is its establishment’s strategy,” he says.

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