Modi in China: Political Risks Rise Amid Foreign Policy Shift
Prime Minister Narendra Modi emplanes for Tokyo, Japan the first destination of his two nation visit to Japan and China. (Image MEA India)
Until Trump wrecked Modi’s foreign policy heft, the BJP found electoral nourishment by milking his foreign visits.
By MANISH ANAND
NEW DELHI, August 29, 2025 — On the outskirt of Bulandshahr in Uttar Pradesh, a frail man in his 60s worked to shape an iron tool in scorching heat. He just wore loins-cloth. Dark skin showed proof that he had spent life working under the unforgiving scorching sky.
He was unfazed with electioneering. Prime Minister Narendra Modi was seeking another mandate in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections. Political pundits were gung-hot at “Modi Magic.”
“How do you see the elections?” The man dismissed the question of a visiting political journalist by showing no interest in a conversation. His mud-based dwelling unit revealed man’s challenges in life.
“Who will you vote for?” This at last wasn’t ignored. “Modi.”
“But why? Your conditions don’t seem to suggest your gains from Modi in last five year.”
“His foreign policy is good,” said the ironsmith. That was 2019. Modi powered the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) with the best ever haul of 303 Lok Sabha seats.
Modi has been a globe-trotting Prime Minister since taking charge in New Delhi. He embraced powerful world leaders in tight embraces. Pliant media mainstreamed Modi’s foreign visits with excessive coverages.
Modi striking at the back of palm of Donald Trump in his first term became a toast for video-hungry Indians. Trump seemed a pal of Modi.
Rajeev Chandrashekhar, addressing a press conference at the BJP headquarters when he was an IT Minister, said: “India is now setting the agenda for global discourse.” Like many before him, Chandrashekhar is now anonymous in Modi-led government and the BJP.
Until Trump wrecked Modi’s foreign policy heft, the BJP found electoral nourishment by milking Modi’s foreign visits. Trump’s “tariff dogs” are now barking at India, terming “Russia-Ukraine War” as “Modi’s War.”
Modi is still a globe-trotter. But he is visiting countries which don’t figure in the destination lists of immigration guides. Brazil and Argentina are football playing nations for Indians. Sardars of Punjab or enterprising Gujaratis have not yet taken interests in Brazil and Argentina.
The middle class in India sees Brazil as a villain. This nation sold the idea of blending ethanol in petrol to India. The middle class still buys petrol at rates, frozen for an era, with gains from ethanol blending going to unknown gods, while vehicle engines begin crying withing a first few years of the ignition.
Modi is also visiting China. He now doesn’t embrace China’s Xi Jinping for a hug. The Chinese maverick wears expressionless face to deny Modi any clue on initiating body gestures.
China in popular perception is a nation that invaded India. Indian military generals claimed that China was helping Pakistan during the Operation Sindoor. For almost four years, the BJP’s ideological godfather, the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) and its affiliates, was giving a “China boycott call.” That was set in the backdrop of violent military skirmish in the Galwan Valley.
India is protecting national interests by buying Russian oils, claim Modi’s ministers. India’s former spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs Syed Akbaruddin in an article for Foreign Affairs argued “why should the US punish 1.4 billion people with tariffs for two private companies in India buying Russian oils.”
The voters in poll-bound Bihar also wonder if India is buying cheap Russian oil, then why they still have to shell out over ₹100 for one liter of petrol.
(This is an opinion piece, and views expressed are those of the author only)
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Very well written. Raises more questions than answers