Bihar Elections 2025: BJP Bets on Allies for Reserved Seats
Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar with Union Minister Chirag Paswan in Patna. (Image JDU Online)
With 40 reserved Assembly seats in Bihar, the BJP has ceded more ground to its allies — JD(U), Chirag Paswan’s LJP(R), and Jitan Ram Manjhi’s HAM — signaling its continued struggle to build an independent Dalit and OBC leadership base.
By AMIT KUMAR
Patna, October 29, 2025 — As Bihar gears up for the 2025 Assembly elections, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) strategy on reserved constituencies reveals a significant political recalibration. Out of 243 Assembly seats, 38 are reserved for Scheduled Castes (SCs) and 2 for Scheduled Tribes (STs) — a total of 40 reserved constituencies.
This time, the BJP has chosen to let its allies take the lead in most of these seats. According to the NDA seat-sharing formula, JD(U) is contesting on 15 of the 38 SC-reserved seats, while the BJP — the alliance’s largest national party — has fielded candidates on only 11. Chirag Paswan’s Lok Janshakti Party (Ram Vilas), which has 29 seats in its quota, will contest eight reserved constituencies, while Jitan Ram Manjhi’s HAM is contesting four of the six seats it was allotted — all reserved.
In the 2020 Assembly elections, the NDA had won 21 of the 38 SC-reserved seats, with the BJP bagging 9 out of 15 it contested and JD(U) winning 8 out of 17. Back then, Chirag Paswan fought outside the NDA and inflicted significant damage on Nitish Kumar’s JD(U). Now back within the alliance, his performance on Dalit-dominated seats could be a deciding factor.
BJP’s Strategic Retreat on Dalit Seats
The BJP’s reduced footprint on reserved seats reflects an underlying reality — despite its growing dominance nationally, the party lacks a strong Dalit or Extremely Backward Caste (EBC) leader in Bihar with statewide influence.
While BJP bets on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s appeal among backward classes, the party’s state-level leadership continues to depend on allies like Nitish Kumar, Ram Vilas Paswan (earlier), Jitan Ram Manjhi, and Mukesh Sahani to mobilize marginalized voters.
“Even though the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) has done extensive grassroots work among Dalit and EBC communities in Bihar — a state once overseen directly by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat in his early years — the BJP has yet to convert that outreach into electoral leadership,” wrote Sameer Chougankar in a post on X.
Nitish’s Waning But Vital Vote Bank
Over the past two decades, Nitish Kumar has built a durable support base among Koeris, Kurmis, and EBCs, alongside a section of Dalit voters. However, with his political influence waning, this once-solid vote bank has become a battleground for multiple players — including the RJD, Congress, BJP, Chirag Paswan, and Prashant Kishor, who is emerging as a new political challenger.
Analysts believe that as Nitish’s grip loosens, a realignment of Dalit and EBC votes is inevitable. The party or alliance that manages to attract this bloc will likely dominate Bihar’s next political phase.
For the BJP, this election, wrote Chougankar, is not just about numbers but about narrative and identity. If the party aims to sustain its relevance beyond the charisma of Modi, it will have to cultivate indigenous backward and Dalit leaders in Bihar — rather than depend indefinitely on allies.
As Bihar’s caste arithmetic shifts, one truth stands out: whoever secures the Dalit and EBC vote will rule Bihar’s political future.
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