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27 Years, 5 PMs, One Stalled Bill: What’s Next for Women’s Quota

A creative representative image of women labour participation in India.

A creative representative image of women labour participation in India. (Image TRH)

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Passed after 27 years of failure, the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam now faces its next test — can it actually reach the 2029 elections?

By NIRENDRA DEV

New Delhi, April 10, 2026 — It took 27 years, multiple collapsed attempts, a bill physically torn apart on the floor of Parliament, and five prime ministers before India finally passed its Women’s Reservation Bill. Now, with a special Parliamentary session convened for April 16–18, 2026, the Modi government is pushing to make it real — in time for the 2029 Lok Sabha elections.

The Constitution (128th Amendment) Bill, officially named the Nari Shakti Vandan Adhiniyam, was passed in September 2023 by both Houses of Parliament with near-unanimous support — only two members voted against it. It reserves 33 percent of seats in the Lok Sabha and state assemblies for women. It was hailed immediately as a landmark achievement and a centrepiece of BJP’s pitch to voters ahead of the 2024 general elections.

But implementation has a catch. The reservation is linked to the next delimitation exercise. The April 2026 session has been called to push through the amendments needed to accelerate the timeline.

A bill that bled across decades

The Women’s Reservation Bill was first introduced in 1996 under the United Front government. What followed was one of Indian democracy’s longest-running legislative failures. In the 1990s, the bill was literally snatched and torn on the Lok Sabha floor — RJD MP Surendra Prakash Yadav was widely identified as having done so. In 2010, during the UPA tenure, Samajwadi Party and RJD members rushed the Speaker’s podium in protest, forcing adjournments.

The bill lapsed repeatedly, blocked primarily by parties that argued — sometimes sincerely, sometimes cynically — that reservation within reservation for OBC women was needed before any bill could pass.

Even as recently as the 2023 debate, the hostility was on the record. NCP leader Supriya Sule recalled being told on live television by a senior Maharashtra BJP leader: “Supriya Sule, ghar jaao, khana banao, desh koi aur chala lega.” Go home, cook food, someone else will run the country.

What the world already knew

India was not debating in isolation. The case for women’s political reservation had been made at the global level for decades. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1979 and signed by India, made equal participation in public life a cornerstone obligation.

Worldwide, surveys had consistently found that women — who constitute over 50 percent of most countrie’ populations — held fewer than 16 percent of parliamentary seats. The response across many nations was the introduction of gender quotas. Uganda reserved one seat per district. Tanzania reserved 20 percent of seats. Kenya and several Arab nations allowed reserved seats to be filled by appointment.

The outcomes were striking. A Rajya Sabha Secretariat booklet noted that without proportionate representation, any group’s ability to influence policymaking is “limited.” After quota systems were introduced, countries including Rwanda, Costa Rica, Argentina, Mozambique and South Africa climbed sharply in the Inter-Parliamentary Union’s global rankings — challenging the long dominance of the five Nordic nations at the top.

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The voices that shaped the debate

In the 2023 Lok Sabha debate, Congress Parliamentary Chairperson Sonia Gandhi offered perhaps the most memorable lines: “The Indian woman has patience like the ocean. She has worked for everyone’s betterment like a river… Any delay in implementing the women’s reservation bill will be a gross injustice to Indian women.”

DMK MP Kanimozhi took a sharper tone: “Stop saluting us. We don’t want to be put on pedestals, we do not want to be worshipped… we want to be respected as equals.”

Former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee — an early champion of the bill — had long ago framed the question simply: “Women hold up half the sky. Why should they not have one-third of the political ground?”

The April 2026 session will determine whether that ground is finally delivered — or whether the river, once more, must wait.

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